Wednesday, April 10, 2013

Charles Jalloh Speaks at ASIL Annual Meeting


Publish Date/Time: 
 April 9, 2013

On April 5, 2013, Assistant Professor Charles C. Jalloh assessed the African government perspective on universal jurisdiction at the invitation of the American Society of International Law (ASIL). The talk was part of distinguished panel in the 2013 ASIL annual meeting examining national treatment of universal jurisdiction in the United States and other regions of the world. He assessed the African government criticisms of the “abuse” of universal jurisdiction and urged for deeper consideration of the legality, legitimacy and practicality of this most controversial jurisdictional doctrine in international law. The highly selective ASIL conference program committee, which invited Professor Jalloh, convenes the largest conference of international law scholars and practitioners each year.

Charles Jalloh at the United Nations General Assembly


Charles Jalloh to Participate in Debate of the UN General Assembly Today

Publish Date/Time: 
 April 10, 2013

Charles Jalloh will participate in a daylong interactive thematic debate of the General Assembly on the role of international criminal law in justice and reconciliation today.
The president of the 67th session of the United Nations General Assembly, His Excellency Vuk Jeremić from the Republic of Serbia, will convene today, April 10, a daylong interactive thematic debate of the General Assembly on the role of international criminal law in justice and reconciliation. Among the panelists who will participate in the discussion—which will examine the complex undertaking of investigating, prosecuting, and adjudicating war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity at the international level—is University of Pittsburgh Assistant Professor of Law Charles Chernor Jalloh. 
An international criminal law scholar and leading expert on issues of transitional justice, especially as they pertain to Africa, Jalloh will comment on a proposal, launched by the 50-plus-nation African Union, of an African criminal court to address war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—all crimes within the jurisdiction of the permanent Hague-based International Criminal Court (ICC). The proposal has raised questions about the compatibility of the proposed chamber with the ICC’s Rome Statute, which 122 countries (34 of whom are African States) have accepted. 
“The African Union (AU) proposal to create a criminal chamber within the African Court of Justice and Human Rights has attracted largely negative scholarly reaction,” said Jalloh. “Part of the reason is that the idea raises profound questions about its compatibility with the Rome Statute of the ICC, as well as concerns about the potential fragmentation of an international criminal law regime centered around the world’s first and only permanent international penal tribunal.”
The proposal also has been criticized because it challenges the current conception of the international criminal justice system, which is predicated on the belief that states, not necessarily regional bodies, are the first lines of defense against impunity. “Given the controversial AU proposal, the question now is what, if any, the appropriate role is, or should be, for regional or even subregional bodies in the global fight to ensure that perpetrators do not escape punishment for international crimes,” said Jalloh.
The debate, which will take place at the UN’s New York City headquarters, will be webcast by UN Web TV and focus on the long-term impact of international criminal justice—particularly as it relates to reconciliation and the rights of victims—and the relations between national and international criminal procedures. 
More than 400 delegates from 193 countries are expected to participate in the session, which will include opening remarks from H.E. Jeremić and from the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon; a high-level morning session during which UN member and observer states formally will address the debate; two consecutive afternoon panels, titled “Justice” and “Reconciliation,” respectively; and closing remarks. Jalloh will serve on the “Justice” panel. 
Joining Jalloh as “Justice” panelists will be John D. Ciorciari, assistant professor of public policy, Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy, the University of Michigan; retired Canadian Forces Major-General Lewis MacKenzie, who served as a member of the UN Protection Force in Yugoslavia; and Savo Strbac, director of the Veritas Documentation Center, Serbia. Each panelist will deliver statements in his respective area of expertise; following these presentations, there will be an interactive audience debate moderated by Matthew Parish, a partner in the Geneva office of the international law firm Holman Fenwick Willan.
“It is an honor for me personally, and for Pitt Law as a whole, that I was asked by the president of the United Nations General Assembly to share the outcome of my research on this question,” said Jalloh. “The invitation stands as a testament to the cutting-edge research with real-world impact that we do here at Pitt Law and the groundbreaking work that faculty colleagues engage in daily in this and other units of the University of Pittsburgh.” 

Watch the debate on UN Web TV here.  Learn more about Professor Jalloh here

Friday, March 29, 2013

Obama Meets with Four African Leaders, including Sierra Leonean President Ernest Bai Koroma

Here's an interesting story, from the White House, concerning a meeting yesterday between US President Barack Obama and the leaders of four African countries: Cape Verde, Malawi, Senegal and Sierra Leone. This appears to be more like a photo op, instead of anything substantive, for both the African leaders and the US President who spoke in general terms about the progress these countries have made in the past little while (see the link to the short video clip below).

Although this is not the type of thing that I typically post on this site, I thought this story maybe of interest to readers. All the more so because it offers a reprieve from the usual legal discussions about Sierra Leone and its special tribunal on this page and in international criminal law circles.

Here's the photo and the White House Press Statement: 

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President Obama meets with President Sall of Senegal, President Banda of Malawi, President Ernest Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone, and Prime Minister José Maria Pereira Neves of Cape Verde
President Barack Obama meets with, from left, President Macky Sall of Senegal, President Joyce Banda of Malawi, President Ernest Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone, and Prime Minister José Maria Pereira Neves of Cape Verde in the Cabinet Room of the White House, March 28, 2013. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

Today President Obama welcomed President Ernest Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone, President Macky Sall of Senegal, President Joyce Banda of Malawi, and Prime Minister José Maria Pereira Neves of Cape Verde to the White House.  The United States has strong partnerships with these countries based on shared democratic values and shared interests.  Each of these leaders has undertaken significant efforts to strengthen democratic institutions, protect and expand human rights and civil liberties, and increase economic opportunities for their people.

President Obama and the visiting leaders discussed how the United States can expand our partnership to support their efforts to strengthen democratic institutions and promote economic opportunity, both in their countries and across sub-Saharan Africa.  A particular focus of the conversation was on the importance of transparency and respect for human rights, and President Obama commended each leader for their work in these areas and their commitment to join the Open Government Partnership.  President Obama also commended these leaders for their leadership on food security and engaged the leaders in a fruitful conversation about how the United States can help Africa harness the potential of its young people and empower the next generation of African leaders.

While in Washington, each leader is participating in numerous meetings and events to strengthen bilateral cooperation on a range of shared priorities.  Joint events include a dinner hosted by the Corporate Council on Africa to discuss trade and investment opportunities with representatives from U.S. businesses; a public discussion on democratization in Africa at the United States Institute for Peace; an economic and development roundtable with U.S. government officials; and a meeting with Secretary of Defense Hagel to discuss cooperation on shared regional security and peacekeeping objectives in Africa.

The visit of these four leaders underscores the President’s commitment to substantive engagement and strengthened partnerships with African nations.  A link to the President’s remarks following the meeting can be found here, and you can watch a video of the leaders below or on youtube.

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Thursday, January 24, 2013

Oral Hearings Conclude in Taylor Appeal

Here is the latest press release from the Special Court for Sierra Leone. The Court announces the conclusion of the oral hearings, which have been taking place in The Hague over the past couple of days, in Prosecutor v. Charles Ghankay Taylor. The Appeals Chamber permitted Taylor to give a short statement at the end of the hearing, something that is not as common a practice in other international criminal tribunals.

They are forecasting that the appeals judgment will be available "before the end of 2013". Closer to the end of the year is simply too far away for a single accused trial. Although I had thought I read somewhere an earlier forecast of September 2013. Perhaps they realized that September 2013 was too ambitious and want to manage the public's expectations, which is a great strategy instead of announcing a timeline and failing to meet it (as the Trial Chamber did several times in regards to the trial judgment).

At the same time, the appeals judges and their legal officers now obviously have their calendars booked over the next eight to ten months as they should closely be reviewing the voluminous 2,300+ page trial judgment which made a record for its length when it was issued. Yet, it came under serious criticism for 42 alleged legal/factual errors according to the defense and 4 according to the prosecution. Perhaps this is a case where less could have been more?

While it is sometimes unfair for states to impose strict timelines on judges - as tends to happen with completion strategies - it is clear that the Appeals Chamber, now left with effectively one substantive war crimes case on their docket at the SCSL, will not have any excuse for failing to issue the judgment before the end of the year. That said, many involved in this process will probably not mind if the Appeals Chamber takes its time but in the end issues a solid judgment with solid reasoning addressing all the solid issues by the end of this year.

Whatever it does, the Appeals Chamber should be sure to attend to the substantive allegations made by Trial Chamber II Alternate Judge El Hadj Malick Sow. As is well known by now, Alternate Judge Sow made serious allegations at the end of the hearing on April 26, 2012. More recently, he fleshed out his views to the New African magazine, all of which raised fundamental concerns about the quality of the deliberations that took place in the Taylor case.

If the Appeals Chamber addresses that issue, and the others raised by the parties, given the near unique issues that came up in that trial, the Taylor judgment will probably be remembered in the future as a valuable contribution to international criminal law. It goes without saying that a failure to properly do so might well tarnish the future legitimacy of that important trial and its final outcome.

The full text is as follows:

PRESS RELEASE

The Hague, 23 January 2013

Oral hearings Conclude in Taylor Appeal, Judges Will Now retire to deliberate and Consider Judgement

Lawyers for the Prosecution and  Defence made their final arguments before the Appeals Chamber this week in the trial of former Liberian President Charles Taylor. The five Judges and one Alternate Judge heard Appeal Submissions from the parties on Tuesday, and their Responses and Replies on Wednesday.

On 26 April 2012, the Trial Chamber found Mr. Taylor guilty on all 11 counts of the indictment, finding that he had participated in the planning of crimes, and of aiding and abetting crimes, committed by rebel forces in Sierra Leone. On 30 May 2012, the Trial Chamber sentenced him to a prison term of 50 years.

The Defence has presented 42 grounds of appeal, arguing that the Trial Chamber made systematic errors in the evaluation of evidence and in the application of law sufficiently serious to “reverse all findings of guilt entered against him” and to vacate the judgement. The Defence brief also questioned the fairness of the trial and the judicial process itself, and challenged the 50 year sentence imposed by the Chamber as being “manifestly unreasonable.”  

The Prosecution has also appealed the judgement on four grounds, arguing that Mr. Taylor should have been found guilty of other modes of liability, and that he should have received a significantly longer sentence.

For the oral arguments, the Appeals Chamber asked both the Prosecution and the Defence to address six questions (set forth in full below), looking at the application of international law to modes of liability, the extent to whether uncorroborated hearsay evidence may be relied upon in determining findings of fact, and how existing jurisprudence relating to adjudicated facts should be applied to a Defence motion to admit adjudicated facts after the Prosecution had closed their case.

Both parties expressed appreciation for the opportunity to address “these important legal questions”.

At the end of Wednesday’s proceedings, Charles Taylor was allowed to make a statement. “I’m very appreciative of the handling of the proceedings so far, and I have the belief that the right thing will be done by the grace of Almighty God,” he told the Judges.

This week’s hearing is the last in the Taylor case before the appeal judgement is delivered. It also marks the achievement of an important milestone as the Court nears the completion of its mandate. The Judges will now retire to deliberate and consider their judgement, expected before the end of 2013.

#END


i. Whether the Trial Chamber correctly articulated the actus reus elements of aiding and abetting liability under customary international law. The differences and similarities between aiding and abetting, instigating and ordering as forms of liability under Article 6(1) of the Statute. Whether customary international law recognizes that certain forms of liability set forth in Article 6(1) of the Statute are more or less serious than other forms of liability for sentencing or other purposes.

ii. Whether the Trial Chamber’s findings meet the mens rea standard of purpose.
iii. Whether acts of assistance not “specifically directed” to the perpetration of a crime can substantially contribute to the commission of a crime for aiding and abetting liability. Whether the Trial Chamber’s findings meet the “specific direction” standard.
iv. Whether the acts of assistance not to the crime “as such” can substantially contribute to the commission of the crime for aiding and abetting liability. Whether the Trial Chamber’s findings meet the “as such” standard.

v. Whether the sources of law identified in Rule 76 bis (ii) and (iii) establish that uncorroborated hearsay cannot be relied upon as the sole basis for specific incriminating findings of fact.

vi. How the Appeals Chamber should apply existing jurisprudence relating to adjudicated facts under Rule 94(B) in the context of a defence motion for the admission of adjudicated facts following the close of the prosecution case.

The Special Court is an independent tribunal established jointly by the United Nations and the Government of Sierra Leone. It is mandated to bring to justice those who bear the greatest responsibility for atrocities committed in Sierra Leone after 30 November 1996.

INFORMATION FOR MEDIA - NOT FOR ADVERTISING
Produced by the
Outreach and Public Affairs Office
Special Court for Sierra Leone

Friday, January 11, 2013

Alternate Judge Sow Tells All in Interview on Why Taylor Should Have Walked Free

I am a bit late in reporting this, on this blog, as this is somewhat of an old news item now. However, because I have written op eds regarding the Alternate Judge Sow Affair in the Charles Taylor Case at the Special Court for Sierra Leone (see The Verdict(s) in the Charles Taylor Case and Why the SCSL Should Establish an Independent Commission), I thought I should at least post the link to the highly fascinating if troubling interview that the Senegalese jurist recently gave to the UK-based New African Magazine.  

Given the controversy he sparked on April 26, 2012, when Trial Chamber II issued its verdict convicting Taylor for war crimes, crimes against humanity and other serious international humanitarian law violations during the Sierra Leone war, I have long been wondering when Alternate Judge Sow would break his silence and give his side of the story.  This seemed all the more important given the attention that he had generated among legal commentators in the blogosphere through his vague statement in court on April 26, 2012 stating that, contrary to the unanimous finding of the Trial Chamber II judges, the prosecution had failed to prove Taylor guilty beyond a reasonable doubt.

Even so, I thought that he would refrain from giving a media interview, until the SCSL Appeals Chamber gives its ruling on the Taylor defense motion asking that he be permitted to appear as a defense witness. My speculation was wrong. He has given the Hollywoodesque tell it all post-scandal media interview. One might wonder why do so now. Firstly, it may be that he just wants to set the record straight, and is tired of all the speculation from some of us. Alternately, it may be that Alternate Judge Sow, and perhaps even the Taylor defense with whom he might be cooperating, thought it strategically better to put out more info on this issue now (perhaps as a way of putting more public pressure on the Appeals Chamber to grant the motion).

Be that as it may, the interview itself doesn't disappoint: it answers previously unanswered questions, and at the same time, contains lots of dramatic details. It is therefore well worth the read. For example, on the crucial question whether there were judicial deliberations over Taylor’s guilt or innocence, Sow confirms that there were. His main concern was that they were not serious enough. He was also excluded from the most important deliberations, regarding Taylor's individual criminal responsibility. According to him, based on what he had learned from the legal officers working in the chamber, the meetings had been moved from the deliberations room to the offices of the individual judges. The effect of this was to exclude him. As I have shown in a previous article, under the relevant rules, as an alternate judge, he was definitely entitled to be present for the deliberations even though he could not vote thereat.

So, assuming his statement is correct, it is clear that the other judges violated the Rules of Procedure and Evidence. That said, to me, while clearly not a collegial way to conduct themselves (irrespective of what differences Judges Doherty, Lussick and Sebutinde had with him), it is not entirely clear what is the legal consequence of holding deliberations in the absence of the alternate judge. The Rules do not appear to anticipate such a scenario, leaving the possibility unaddressed. But, by simple deduction, it would seem to me that his mere lack of invitation, attendance and participation in some of those deliberations, including those relating to Taylor's ultimate guilt, would not be sufficient to invalidate the judgment.

Something more than the argument that the alternate judge in the case was not invited to some deliberations would be required. This seems important because, as we all know, he could not vote on the outcome, and even if he could, he would have just been in the minority or even the sole dissenting voice. It would therefore seem to be up to the defense to bring forth evidence to support their position that Taylor was prejudiced by the reported state of affairs. The type of threshold I have in mind might be met by the defence counsel if, for example, the deliberations were conducted so improperly that they would constitute a miscarriage of justice because they could not support the factual findings reached in the case.
And while I do have several thoughts on some of his other substantive remarks, I will today limit myself to the second general observation that the shocking additional allegations that he made to the New African Magazine make it even more imperative now for the Appeals Chamber to give Taylor and the Sierra Leonean, Liberian and international public the chance to know what exactly happened, or did not happen, during the judicial deliberations in the SCSL’s most important trial.  At a minimum, the Court should hear from Alternate Judge Sow. But, equally importantly given the extent of his  recent claims, they should also hear from the other judges of Trial Chamber II and or perhaps even the legal officers that were assisting them.

Though I am not aware of any defense request to call these other persons as witnesses, it seems to be a matter that would fall within the Appeals Chamber's inherent jurisdiction, so there is likely nothing to debar them from making such an order proprio motuThe ball is literally now in the Appeals Chamber’s court to allow the Taylor Defense to call Sow as a witness. They might even, while they are at it, request that these other witnesses appear before them to give evidence under oath. And although trials ought as a prima facie matter be in the public space, especially on this issue, if there are fundamental concerns about certain information coming out, the chamber could first hear the evidence in closed session and later make the complete records open to the public for transparency reasons.
Looking beyond the Taylor trial, as important as it is, some lawyers might bristle at the thought of starting down the path of permitting the defense in a criminal trial to call as a witness an alternate judge who sat on a case in order to lay bare to the public the secret and confidential chamber deliberations. It is in anticipation of such objections, and the fact that I am not entirely convinced based on their record that the SCSL Appeals Chamber will grant the Taylor defense motion, that I have instead advocated a third option: that is, the creation of an independent ad hoc fact finding commission comprised of leading jurists to get the bottom of the Alternate Judge Sow Affair.

While that is an admittedly unprecedented solution, with real, practical difficulties like where will the money come from (a not so unimportant question for the cash-strapped court that these days subsists on subvention handouts from the UN because it cannot raise enough donations for its budget: see here, here, and here), my view has been that unprecedented problems, like the unusual allegations in the Taylor trial, may require unprecedented solutions.  And, in devising solutions, so long as we are being guided by the fundamental justice principles such as the importance of ensuring that the chamber respected the fair trial rights of the accused persons, a little bit of creativity would not be undesirable. 

Wednesday, October 17, 2012

Conference Announcement: International Criminal Court at Ten

Professor Leila Sadat (Washington University of St. Louis School of Law and the Whitney Harris World Law Institute) is hosting a conference on the International Criminal Court at 10 on November 11-12, 2012.  Yours truly will give a paper on Africa and the International Criminal Court. The paper will assess the viability of the African Union proposal for an African Criminal Court. Here's the flyer announcing the event:

Monday, October 1, 2012

Why the Special Court for Sierra Leone Should Establish an Independent Commission to Address Alternate Judge Sow’s Allegation in the Charles Taylor Case

Introduction

On April 26, 2012, after Presiding Judge Richard Lussick read out the summary of Trial Chamber II’s long-awaited verdict in the case Prosecutor v. Charles Taylor at the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL), Alternate Judge El Hadj Malick Sow controversially proceeded to issue his own “dissenting opinion.”

The way in which Trial Chamber II reacted to Sow’s decision to make a public statement on Taylor’s trial, the exclusion of Sow’s statement from the official transcript of the hearing and recent information suggesting irregularities in the SCSL discipline process all underscore the need for greater transparency.

This article argues that it is time for the SCSL to establish an independent, fact-finding commission with a narrowly framed and time-limited mandate to establish the truth, or falsity, of Sow’s allegation that there were no (serious) deliberations by the three judges who convicted Taylor and sentenced him to 50 years imprisonment. Such a commission could also determine the extent to which, if any, Taylor’s fundamental right to a fair trial under Article 17 of the Statute of the SCSL was impacted. The proposal for an ad hoc commission would demystify what happened during deliberations and can run concurrent with Taylor’s appeal. It, therefore, would not delay the conclusion of the tribunal’s work.

The Role of Alternate Judges in International Criminal Trials is Settled

In a previous article, I took up the question whether there was any legal basis for Sow to issue a “dissenting opinion” under the UN-Sierra Leone Agreement, its annexed statute and the tribunal’s rules of procedure and evidence. I demonstrated that, even though the provisions guaranteed the alternate judge a right to be present for deliberations, they did not enfranchise him to vote on the outcome. Consequently, I argued that as a matter of both tribunal law and practice, Sow was not authorized to give a separate opinion, whether concurring or dissenting, on the outcome in the Taylor case. Otherwise, it would violate the SCSL statute and contradict the international criminal justice system which, to date, only provides for three professional judges to adjudicate the guilt or innocence of accused persons instead of four.

Although it follows that no legal value attaches to the conclusions of the alternate judge when the three-judge bench is regularly constituted, there appears to be some new information suggesting the need for greater transparency in the Alternate Judge Sow affair. The new information seems fundamental because, for one thing, the allegations that Sow levelled appear too grave to go unanswered. Furthermore, his decision to speak out publicly has predictably assumed a central role in Taylor’s appeal. So, ignoring the issue will only serve to undermine the public perception of the fairness and credibility of that important trial and the SCSL itself.

Taking up the task of determining the veracity of Sow’s allegation is one way the tribunal could reassure the accused, the victims, and the public about the integrity of its processes. It is also another way that it could curb the academic and public speculation that is bound to follow if the “black box” of deliberations in this case is not opened up for the world to see what is inside.

The Court Should Publish an Official Version of Alternate Judge Sow’s Statement

The first reason why the SCSL cannot “let sleeping dogs lie” stems from two factors. Firstly, the unfortunate circumstances under which Sow made his statement. Secondly, the lack of an authoritative record of what he actually said. Taken together, the public might be left with the wrong perception that the SCSL was trying to silence him because he disagreed with the other three judges and dared to speak publicly about it. Since it is a truism that justice not only needs to be done, but also must be seen to be done, the SCSL should do everything within its power to correct any misapprehensions that may arise on this issue.

It is undisputed that Sow started to read from a prepared statement on Taylor verdict day. The other three Trial Chamber II judges (Lussick, Julia Sebutinde, and Teresa Doherty) allegedly did not know of his plans to speak. So, like everyone else, they were apparently caught off guard. Indeed, Presiding Judge Lussick adjourned the hearing, all three judges rose and everyone seemed to be ready to depart the courtroom when Sow started to speak. Through a combination of these extraordinary circumstances, and the kind of decorum we expect from an international tribunal courtroom, the whole episode came off as if the other judges walked out on a colleague while he was speaking.

The problem is that we do not know for how long Sow spoke. Rumors are circulating that his microphone was cut off. It also seems unclear whether he had finished his statement. Although some of what he said seems to have been transcribed by the SCSL stenographers, there is no record of Sow’s statement in the official SCSL transcript. Presumably, this is because a hearing is typically deemed to have ended as soon as the presiding judge adjourns the proceedings. In the end, the result is that the public has no official way of verifying what Sow said.

A review of the April 26, 2012, hearing transcript confirms that all three of the regular Trial Chamber II judges, along with Alternate Judge Sow, were present. They entered the courtroom and were ready to deliver the judgment at the scheduled local time of 11:00 a.m. After taking the customary appearances of the parties, at 11:04 a.m., Lussick started reading out the judgment summary. He only finished at 1:17 p.m., two hours and 13 minutes later. The chamber had unanimously found Taylor guilty. So, the court fixed a date for the sentencing hearing. Lussick then declared the hearing closed.
It was then that Sow started to speak. But there are now two versions of his statement. The first version can be found in the legal blogosphere, as exemplified by Professor Bill Schabas’ blog:
The only moment where a Judge can express his opinion is during the deliberations or in the courtroom, and, pursuant to the Rules, when there are no serious deliberations, the only place left for me is the courtroom. I won’t get — because I think we have been sitting for too long but for me I have my dissenting opinion and I disagree with the findings and conclusions of the other Judges, because for me under any mode of liability, under any accepted standard of proof, the guilt of the accused from the evidence provided in this trial is not proved beyond reasonable doubt by the Prosecution. And my only worry is that the whole system is not consistent with all the principles we know and love, and the system is not consistent with all the values of international criminal justice, and I’m afraid the whole system is under grave danger of just losing all credibility, and I’m afraid this whole thing is headed for failure.
This statement is similar, but ultimately different from another version that has surfaced more recently in a defense filing before the SCSL Appeals Chamber. The difference lies in the first sentence of the second version which portrays what the alternate judge said as follows:
The only moment where a Judge can express his opinion is during deliberations or in the courtroom, and pursuant to the Rules, when there is no ^ deliberations, the only place left for me in the courtroom. [Emphasis added].
In contrast, the same (first) sentence in the blog version puts it this way:
The only moment where a Judge can express his opinion is during the deliberations or in the courtroom, and, pursuant to the Rules, when there are no serious deliberations, the only place left for me is the courtroom. [Emphasis added].
The substantive difference between the two versions is immediately apparent. Basically, although the mysterious character in the Defence appeal version seems intended to indicate a missing word (“serious”), if that is not the case, there is clearly a major difference in saying that there were “no deliberations” and saying that there were “no serious deliberations”. Although it cannot be emphasized enough that there is no way of verifying this (which is why I call for an independent commission), if we assume for the sake of argument that the allegation is true, it would imply that Taylor’s rights have been violated because it is the function of the chamber to deliberate on the evidence in his case. The regular, three-judge chamber is then obligated to render a public verdict by a majority, not unanimity, and to provide a reasoned opinion in writing. That reasoned opinion may include separate or dissenting opinions, both on issues of fact and law.

Although omitting Sow’s statement from the official record seems problematic because it gives the impression that the tribunal has something to hide, there is a solid counterargument. In their September 13, 2012, decision, the SCSL Appeals Chamber ruled that the transcript was “accurate” and “transparent” given that the official hearing was formally closed when Lussick adjourned the court. It could not therefore subsequently include additional statements.

This is all probably true, in light of settled tribunal practice. But, given that the accused’s fundamental rights and the legitimacy of the SCSL’s processes are at stake, I beg to differ. To begin with, it is evident that the appellate judges did not concern themselves with the veracity of Sow’s allegation. While in fairness the Appeals Chamber was not being asked to adjudicate the merits of that allegation, one would have thought that the court would be cognizant of the negative public perception that the allegation entails for the outcome reached in the Taylor case. In defense of the appeals judges, one might say the issue regarding the statement had been resolved through the disciplinary process in plenary. But that would seem like a weak counter-argument because that process addressed the propriety of the alternate judge’s public statement instead of the truth or falsity of its contents.

If this contention is correct, the question arises what should be done to establish whether deliberations took place or not. Despite the practical difficulties presented by this proposal – especially a financial one for the notoriously cash-strapped court – the SCSL should consider establishing an independent, ad hoc fact-finding commission comprised of respected former international tribunal judges and the public to establish the truth of what happened in chambers relative to Sow’s allegation. The UN, Sierra Leone and the Management Committee of the tribunal should back this initiative.

One objection to this proposal would be the argument that such a process would infringe upon judicial independence. According to the SCSL statute, the judges are to be independent in the exercise of their functions, and are not to seek or accept instructions from any other source. Once the judges have given their reasoned opinion in writing, it is implied that they owe no additional explanation.

However, an independent fact finding commission would not undermine judicial independence. Moreover, it would not violate the SCSL statute because the commission would not seek to influence the verdict that has already been reached in Taylor’s trial. The commission would solely examine the truth of the allegation relating to deliberations. In other words, its role would be for the anterior purpose of establishing whether the judges followed procedure consistent with the rights of the accused given the weighty allegation by the alternate judge, who was a close observer of that process. If they did, then it will legitimate the final outcome of the deliberations process. If they did not, then that too can be taken into account.

Besides laying this controversy to rest, under the latter scenario, any newly discovered facts could be folded into the review proceeding conducted by the Appeals Chamber during Taylor’s appeal – but only if it could have been a decisive factor in the trial chamber’s determination of Taylor’s guilt as the SCSL statute requires. In such an instance, if the irregularities are not so fundamental as to invalidate the trial judgment, the appeals judges could exercise their sound discretion to reduce Taylor’s sentence to remedy any violation of his rights that might have occurred at trial.

Misgivings About the Discipline Process Used Against Alternate Judge Sow

The first disciplinary step the Trial Chamber took was to remove Sow’s name from the Taylor judgment. Sow also did not attend any subsequent hearings. These appear to be hastily adopted measures taken by the Chamber before Sow’s discipline process was even completed. Under the circumstances, the judges were undoubtedly justified in taking some measures to address the matter. However, the SCSL should not leave the perception that disciplinary proceedings were initiated against Sow for political reasons, to punish him for holding different views or for the apparent infighting between him and his colleagues throughout the long trial. Most significantly, the tribunal should not leave the wrong perception that the disciplinary process which subsequently concluded Sow was “unfit” to serve as a judge was tainted because it did not comport with basic principles of natural justice.

Under Rule 15 bis of the SCSL Rules of Procedure and Evidence, an allegation that a judge is no longer fit to serve may be made to the president who may refer the matter to the Council of Judges. According to the recent appeals chamber decision, after the hearing on April 26, 2012, Lussick sent an email on behalf of Trial Chamber II to then President of the Tribunal Jon Kamanda. Kamanda treated that email as the formal complaint against Sow’s alleged unfitness to serve. Kamanda exercised the option, as he is permitted, to refer the question to the Council of Judges.

Interestingly, although Rule 23(A) provides that the Council of Judges shall be comprised of the presiding judges of the Trial Chambers and the president, only one (the Taylor) trial chamber was operational at the time of the complaint against Sow. That seems important because the Council plays an initial screening role in that it first has to determine whether: (1) the allegation is of a serious nature, and (2) if there is substantial basis for the allegation. The Council then refers the issue to the Plenary of all the judges which considers the issue and, if necessary, recommends a course of action to the appointing authority.

It is implied that Sow’s allegation was considered serious enough and that there was a basis for it to be passed to all the judges for consideration. But, in a single trial chamber court, if Presiding Judge Lussick did in fact participate in the president’s decision to refer, that would be odd because he would effectively have been a judge in his own cause for the predicate findings of the seriousness of the allegation and the subsequent decision to refer it to the plenary. One might retort that once he filed the complaint, Lussick stepped outside of that role as a regular judge of the trial chamber and into the role of a member of the Council of Judges. That might be true and is one way to justify his wearing of two hats. By the same token, if Lussick participated in the second decision – an admittedly speculative conclusion at this stage – it would seem highly problematic for the complainant judge to also participate in the decision on what do with the complaint.

Whatever the case, Rule 15 bis guarantees the judge that is challenged as unfit a right of response. The resolution from the Plenary, read into the record by Lussick on May 16, 2012, fourteen working days from the date of the complaint, implied that this protocol was followed. That is how it ought to be, and was very reassuring.

Yet, in the separate opinion of Appeals Chamber Judge George King issued two weeks ago, he revealed new information alleging procedural irregularities which led him to conclude that Sow’s right to be heard had been denied. Additional information hitherto unknown to the public also emerged. Even though the record of the complaint alleging unfitness to sit had been “filed” on April 26, 2012, and the alternate judge responded to it on May 1, 2012, it appears that a further “six-page statement” was prepared by Sebutinde which purported to be the formal complaint against Sow. That document, in King’s words, contained “new” and “scurrilous” allegations against Sow. If true, this is highly disappointing conduct, especially for a judge that after the Taylor verdict went on to take up a position on the bench of the International Court of Justice.

Sow was apparently not notified of this additional complaint in the Plenary. Nor did he partake in that meeting. It is uncertain whether he was even invited to attend or whether he had the option to send a legal representative to the meeting to respond to the new complaint. This is not insignificant given that King raised the alarm about the impropriety of not respecting Sow’s right of response. This “perversion of justice”, as King called it, led the appeals chamber judge to walk out of the Plenary. He, therefore, did not endorse the formal resolution finding Sow unfit to sit and distanced himself from the decision.

Although King’s position is laudable, the new information that he has revealed has raised more questions than answers about the tribunal’s private handling of the Sow affair. Even more disturbing is that King insinuated that efforts were subsequently made to erase Sebutinde’s statement from the plenary record. He did not say by whom but, reading between the lines, it seems likely that Sebutinde and, worse, the other judges might have been involved. If this hunch is correct, then that too is even more troubling behavior from the bench of an international criminal tribunal.

Ultimately, there are questions about the validity of the disciplinary resolution since it appears uncertain how many judges voted in its favor, against it or abstained. It is also unclear whether the decision comports with procedural rules since the only thing the Plenary could do is recommend to the appointing authority (i.e. the UN secretary-general and the government of Sierra Leone) a course of action.

In the end, it is difficult to understand how the plenary could determine he was unfit to serve as a judge and prevent him from further participating in the Taylor Trial because he spoke when he was not allowed to without first resolving the predicate factual question of whether he told the truth, which might then (retroactively) justify the making of the statement, or alternatively, that his allegation about the absence of deliberations was a simple case of sour grapes from a bitter judge who then deserved the weighty sanction of “unfit to sit” that could have effectively killed his international judicial career. In any event, the appointing authorities are free to accept or reject the plenary recommendation. Yet, we do not have any information in the public domain confirming the UN and Sierra Leone adopted their view that Sow was unfit and should therefore be removed.

Conclusion

Unfortunately, this type of controversy is not new to international criminal law. At the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) in the aftermath of World War II, an early agreement to refrain from dissents in the final judgment fell apart before the proceedings even concluded. The result was that although the IMTFE charter did not formally provide for separate opinions by the judges as modern tribunals do, there were two dissents from Judges Radhabinod Pal and Henri Bernard and a partial dissent by Judge Bernard Roling.

The most famous dissent was Pal’s. He not only disagreed with his colleagues on the law, but also on the facts, based upon which he would have acquitted the 25 accused on all of the charges. According to Neil Boister and Robert Cryer: “Pal countered the majority’s factual perspective by providing a colossal factual recapitulation of his own but drawing entirely contradictory inferences, specifically that there was at no time a conspiracy amongst Japanese leaders to commit aggression.” (See Documents on the Tokyo International Military Tribunal: Charter, Indictment and Judgements at lxxx).

Similarly, Bernard issued a dissenting opinion from the majority explaining that he was doing so “both on questions of law and fact” as it was necessary “in fairness to the Accused” and to clarify the extent to which his view differed from that of the majority. (See Dissenting Judgment of the Member from France, ibid., at p. 664). Also, while Roling’s partial dissent endorsed the majority judgment’s restatement of Japan’s factual history, he still found it “necessary to dissent on some issues, where a different interpretation should be given to the facts laid before the Tribunal” although he did this “only where it might have direct bearing on the question of criminal liability” under the Charter. (See Opinion of the Member for the Netherlands, ibid., at 709).

In other words, although the Taylor verdict controversy differs in involving a non-voting alternate instead of regular voting judges like those at the IMTFE, history teaches that the SCSL is not unique. Indeed, contrary to the suggestions of some commentators, the SCSL is in good company with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where also regular (not alternate) judges have been known to dissent wholly or partially on factual or legal findings from their judicial colleagues during trial judgments in cases such as Simic and Galic.

As the tribunal considers this unique proposal for the establishment of an admittedly unprecedented, fact-finding commission to shed light on the veracity of Sow’s allegation, it seems befitting to conclude with a quote from Pal, who in his voluminous dissenting opinion said the following of the IMTFE that could just as well be said about the SCSL and the verdict in Taylor’s case: “As a judicial tribunal, we cannot behave in any manner which may justify the feeling that the setting up of the tribunal was only for the attainment of an objective which was essentially political, though cloaked by a judicial appearance.”

If the SCSL does not act creatively to address what Trial Chamber II itself characterized as an “extraordinary situation” by showing the world that it has nothing to hide, history will be forced to judge it. However, history might be more generous to it than the IMTFE if the SCSL established transparency regarding what exactly happened in the chambers deliberations over the guilt or innocence of former Liberian President Charles Taylor.